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By ALIA IBRAHIM 

AL ARABIYA

We met Ramzi by chance. He stopped us while we were filming on Bourgeba Avenue and introduced himself as an activist and contributor to the well-known blog, Nawat.
Ramzi has been following the cases of the people who were wounded during the January revolution that saw the ouster of President Zine ElAbedine Ben Ali. He says he knows about more than 1,000 cases of which 100 required emergency care and a dozen were in critical condition. 
We agreed to meet again. 
A few hours later Ramzi calls to invite us to Nawat’s offices to meet some of the wounded who have decided to go on a hunger strike. 
We meet 20-year-old Wael Garafi who was shot by a sniper while attending the funeral of Mohamad Amin, the first young man to have been killed in Hay al-Zouhour in Qassrein. 
Wael was transferred to a hospital, than to a clinic and then sent home before he was re-admitted to a hospital. During this time, he underwent three failed operations, was in a coma for five days and finally asked that his leg be amputated when he realized that keeping it could cost him his life.
"I haven’t got anything from this country. At first I was happy, but now when I see what is happening and where we have reached, I regret everything. I regret all what I have done," he said.
Wael was being treated at the military hospital but left it because he said medical attention was poor. 
He and his friends are asking that the government bear the expenses of their medical treatment. 
On the issue of the wounded, the head of the Arab institute for human rights says that once the political decision is taken an independent committee will be formed to look into this issue. 

"There have been achievements in Tunisia lately, but enforcing human rights rules requires time. It also requires us to focus on special issues, such as transitional justice. Re-opening past cases, exposing human rights violations issues, punishing those who violated human rights, and compensating the victims, then applying justice – this all needs time. Naturally this has not progressed much in Tunisia," the head of the Arab Institute for Human Rights in Tunis said.

Although much of the dark era that engulfed Tunisia over the last few decades ended with the ouster of President Ben Ali, the battle for ensuring the protection of human rights is far from over.

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For a month and a half since the famous popular uprisings that led to the Arab World’s first democratic revolution, Tunisia had been struggling to identify and implement the necessary structural and ideological changes that are essential for the budding democratic system. Tunisians all over the country had been patiently waiting to see what the interim government and the opposition leaders would bring to the table, and for a month and a half they got little more than flowery rhetoric praising the revolution and those who gave their lives for a democratic Tunisia. This was not enough; what was  absolutely imperative was a frank discussion of practical steps toward democratization, and for representatives of the interim government, opposition parties, and prominent civil society actors to engage publicly with citizens on this front.

CSID_Debate_on_Political_Reforms_in_Tunisia_-_3

To create a vibrant and constructive dialogue on necessary political reforms, the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy (CSID) organized a public forum event on Thursday, February 24, 2011, with 4 panelists of extremely high calibre and influence in the Tunisian political landscape, to speak directly and candidly with Tunisian citizens about their contributions, enacted and intended, on the road to democracy. The speakers were: Yadh ben Achour, Chair of the Interim Commission for Political Reforms, Hamadi Jebali, Official Spokesperson of al-Nahda Party, Mouldi Riyahi, Representative of the Democratic Forum for Work and Liberties, and Hamoudi ben Slema, renowned political scientist and civic activist.

In the first segment of the public forum, each panelist was granted 10 minutes to give a comprehensive assessment of the pace of political reforms in Tunisia, and the direction in which they ought to be going. Dr. Radwan Masmoudi, President of CSID, delivered the opening and welcoming remarks, in which he affirmed the need for public discourse and frank discussion on the direction of the political evolution taking place in Tunisia, and the need for lay citizens and activists alike to remain active in the political sphere.

 

Yadh ben Achour was then given the floor to address his perspective on current and future Tunisian politics.  He spoke about the miracle that was the Tunisian Revolution. He insisted, though the revolution was certainly a thing to be cherished and honored, that Tunisia was in its first stages of democratization, and that a truly democratic foundation must be put in place in order for future steps toward democracy to be secured. He echoed the need for all citizens to remain engaged and attentive to the changing policies of the government, and for the calls for freedom, human dignity, and essential liberties to continue.

 

Second to speak was Mouldi Riyahi, who focused his address on the duties and responsibilities of all Tunisians to take their futures in their own hands and no longer entrust the government without due scrutiny and accountability. He spoke about the history of the Tunisian people, and how they had always been a people of dignity and humanity, and that they deserve, and must continue to demand, a representative and democratic government that works for its people, and not against them.

 

Hamadi Jebali delivered the third presentation, and spoke directly to the audience and the broader Tunisian citizenry about the political void that has sprung up after the deposition of the dictator and the dissolution of the ruling political party, the Constitutional Democratic Assembly (RCD). He addressed the role that al-Nahda party would like to play in the period of political and social reforms in which Tunisian presently finds itself, which is to serve as a vehicle through which the principles of the Tunisian society are manifested and therefore implemented.

 

Hamouda ben Slama was the final panelist to speak, and was perfectly positioned to give an objective, scientific analysis of not only the manner and content of the other panelist’s comments, but also on the broader political fabric, past, present, and future. He was also the only speaker to speak at length about the role of the Tunisian youth both in driving the revolution and in building the new democracy, remarks which were greeted with applause from the audience of mostly young people.

 

After the panelists delivered their remarks, it was time for the ‘Question & Answer” segment of the event, which was incontrovertibly the most interesting, heated, and engaging portion of the afternoon. The questions, which normally were to be no longer than 2 minutes in length, became personal commentary, ranging from specific responses to the panelists’ remarks to general assessments of Tunisian politics. It was a sight to behold, and illustrated very vividly the need for these sorts of events in post-revolutionary Tunisia. It was clear that the audience thoroughly enjoyed this opportunity to engage so directly and unabashedly with such important political personalities, and took full advantage of their time at the microphone.

During the Q&A period, Mr. Iadh Ben Achour spoke again and affirmed his total commitment to the idea of a “constitutional assembly” to be elected by the people.  The audience, which has pushed him so hard to take a position on this question, was delighted to hear him make this commitment for the first time in public.  The whole audience, of almost 300 people, stood up and cheered Mr. Ben Achour, when he made this promise

This was precisely the reaction which CSID had hoped for, which was to encourage Tunisian citizens to ask, demand, listen, discuss, and plan their futures, and never again to allow political life to be overtaken by an elite, authoritarian few. Undoubtedly, this public forum will be the first of many that all aim to maintain a spirit of civic duty, transparency, accountability, and respectful discourse, all on the path of true democratization.  In order to secure a smooth and swift transition to democracy in Tunisia, CSID will undertake to organize similar discussions and “national dialogue meetings and conferences” throughout the country over the next 6-12 months.

 

Source: CSID

Thursday, February 24, 2011
Cite de la Science – Tunis – Tunisia

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Relegem-ben-ali

Traduit Du Flamand Par par Sami Ben Gharb

19/03/11

La Police Belge prête à la venue de l’ancien président tunisien [Ben Ali] à Relegem

Les services de police et de renseignements Belges se préparent à un éventuel refuge en Belgique du préseident tunisien déchue Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Des membres éloignés de la famille des Ben Ali habitent en effet dans les zones rurales du Relegem, à Asse. La Police belge se dit  donc “préparée” à une eventuelle visite du Ben Ali.

Selon des témoignages, l’ancien président prèparait des retrouvailles avec sa famille qui s’est éparpillée suite à la révolution populaire en Tunisie. Le sort de Ben Ali depuis sa fuite vers l’Arabie Saoudite n’est pas vraiment connu. Or, depuis deux semaines, la police belge a eu des informations selon lesquelles il  «n’est pas a exclure” qu’il allait essayer d’atteindre la Belgique pays où ses beaux-parents y sont installé.

Parce que la police ne veut pas risquer que certaines têtes brûlées pourraient se retourner contre ceux qui sont impliqués dans cette affaire, elle se refuse de révéler leur identité. La famille en question serait installée dans un quartier résidentiel à Relegem.

Le centre de crise du Ministère de l’Intérieur a confirmé être au courant d’un regroupement possible dans cette ville, mais indique qu’à ce jour il n’existe aucune preuve concrète que Ben Ali serait en train de préparer un refuge dans la province  du Brabant flamand.

 

Texte originale

 

Politie Relegem paraat voor komst Tunesische ex-president

Bjorn Maeckelbergh − 19/03/11, 07u22

De politie- en inlichtingendiensten houden er rekening mee dat de in januari verdreven Tunesische president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali een toevlucht zal zoeken in ons land. In het landelijke Relegem, bij Asse, woont namelijk verre familie van Ben Ali. De politie is er naar eigen zeggen “attent” op zijn eventueel bezoek.

Naar verluidt zou de ex-president een reünie plannen met zijn familie, die elkaar na de volksrevolutie in Tunesië is kwijtgespeeld. Over het lot van Ben Ali is sinds zijn vlucht naar Saoedi-Arabië niet veel bekend, maar sinds een tweetal weken beschikt de Belgische politie over informatie die “niet uitsluit” dat hij naar ons land zou proberen te komen. Hij heeft hier namelijk aangetrouwde familie wonen.

Omdat de politie niet wil riskeren dat sommige heethoofden zich tegen de betrokkenen zouden keren, wil ze niet zeggen om wie het gaat. De familieleden in kwestie zouden op een residentiële verkaveling in Relegem wonen.

Het Crisiscentrum van Binnenlandse Zaken bevestigt op de hoogte te zijn van een mogelijke reünie in die gemeente, maar tot op heden is er geen concrete aanwijzing dat Ben Ali effectief een verblijf plant in Vlaams-Brabant.

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La chute du pharaon de Tunisie est l’événement de félicité qui nous a tous réchauffé le cœur. La libération du joug du despotisme est non seulement la victoire du peuple tunisien mais aussi une réalisation prometteuse pour tous les peuples contre la dictature. Alors que nous félicitons cette victoire, nous souhaitons rappeler à nos frères et sœurs tunisiens, que la bénédiction de la liberté ne s’acquiert qu’avec difficulté mais se perd très facilement. Il nous faut, avec une attention permanente, empêcher l’éclosion des mauvaises herbes du despotisme autour de cette liberté et de cette démocratie naissante. 

Les étudiants iraniens en France 

 Association du  Sharïati

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اقتحم الاهالي الغاضبون في تطاوين دار التجمع الدستوري الديمقراطي مطالبين برحيل رموزه من السلطة…تغطية احمد النظيف

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